The Constitution of the USSR of 1936 is subordinated to the task of eradicating the exploitation of “man by man” and preventing the revival of the system of exploitation of “man by man” and its isolated manifestations in the future.

This is its highest idea, a nationwide idea (and essentially a global idea - a universal one, which is expressed in the state emblem of the USSR) - the so-called “national idea” today. This idea expresses the highest meaning in the hierarchy of provisions present in the Constitution of the USSR of 1936, to which everything else in it is subordinated. This is stated in its text directly, unambiguously and repeatedly.

We already began analyzing the 1936 Constitution last year (http://inance.ru/2014/12/constitution/). Today we continue to acquaint the reader with its conceptually significant provisions.

Let us turn to the text of the 1936 Constitution

Chapter I. Social structure

Article 1. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is a socialist state of workers and peasants.

Article 2. The political basis of the USSR is the Soviets of Working People's Deputies, which grew and strengthened as a result of the overthrow of the power of landowners and capitalists and the conquest of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Article 3. All power in the USSR belongs to the working people of town and village, represented by the Soviets of Working People's Deputies.

Article 4. The economic basis of the USSR is the socialist economic system and socialist ownership of the tools and means of production, established as a result of the liquidation of the capitalist economic system, the abolition of private ownership of the tools and means of production and the abolition of the exploitation of man by man.

Article 5. Socialist property in the USSR has either the form of state property (national property) or the form of cooperative-collective farm property (property of individual collective farms, property of cooperative associations).

Article 6. Land, its subsoil, water, forests, plants, factories, mines, mines, railway, water and air transport, banks, communications, large state-organized agricultural enterprises (state farms, machine and tractor stations, etc.), as well as public utilities and the main housing stock in cities and industrial areas are state property, that is, the public property.

Article 7. Public enterprises in collective farms and cooperative organizations with their living and dead equipment, products produced by collective farms and cooperative organizations, as well as their public buildings constitute the public, socialist property of collective farms and cooperative organizations. Each collective farm yard, in addition to the main income from the public collective farm, has for personal use a small plot of land and in personal ownership a subsidiary plot on a plot, a residential building, productive livestock, poultry and small agricultural implements - according to the charter of the agricultural artel.

Article 8. The land occupied by collective farms is assigned to them for free and indefinite use, that is, forever.

Article 9. Along with the socialist economic system, which is the dominant form of economy in the USSR, small private farming of individual peasants and artisans, based on personal labor and excluding the exploitation of the labor of others, is permitted by law.

Article 10. The right of personal ownership of citizens to their labor income and savings, to a residential building and subsidiary household, to household and household items, to items of personal consumption and convenience, as well as the right to inherit the personal property of citizens are protected by law.

Article 11. The economic life of the USSR is determined and directed by the state national economic plan in the interests of increasing social wealth, steadily raising the material and cultural level of the working people, strengthening the independence of the USSR and strengthening its defense capability. Article 12. Labor in the USSR is a duty and a matter of honor for every citizen capable of working, according to the principle: “he who does not work, neither shall he eat.” The USSR implements the principle of socialism: “from each according to his ability, to each according to his work.”

And the guarantees of individual rights and freedoms by the Soviet government, proclaimed in the Constitution of the USSR of 1936, appear as a result ensured only by the real eradication of the exploitation of “man by man” in the life of society. Those. this correlation of legal norms in the Constitution of the USSR of 1936 (measures to protect society and citizens personally from the exploitation of “man by man”, the rights and freedoms of the individual, the duties of a citizen in relation to the state and society) is a consequence of the conscious expression in the jurisdiction of the USSR of objective socio-cultural patterns, and not populism, not politicking and not demagoguery of the Bolsheviks and I.V. Stalin personally.

And the Constitution of the USSR of 1936 is the first expression in the jurisdiction of this kind of objective laws of the existence of human society in the history of the current global civilization.

Even before the publication of the original draft of this Constitution, I.V. Stalin talked about individual rights and freedom with an authoritative representative of the Western liberal community - the successful US journalist Roy Howard (1883 - 1964), who in 1925 became a “partner” in the Scripps-Howard newspaper company.

Howard. You admit that a communist society has not yet been built in the USSR. State socialism has been built. Fascism in Italy and National Socialism in Germany claim to have achieved similar results. Isn’t it a common feature for all these states to violate personal freedom and other deprivations in the interests of the state?

Stalin. (...) We built this society not to infringe on personal freedom, but to make the human person feel free. We built it for the sake of real personal freedom, freedom without quotes. It is difficult for me to imagine what kind of “personal freedom” an unemployed person who goes hungry and does not find use for his work can have. True freedom exists only there where exploitation is abolished, where there is no oppression of some people by others(emphasized by us in bold when quoting), where there is no unemployment and beggary, where a person does not tremble that tomorrow he may lose his job, home, or bread. Only in such a society is real, and not paper, personal and any other freedom possible. (...)

Howard. A new constitution is being developed in the USSR, providing for a new electoral system. To what extent can this new system change the situation in the USSR, since only one party will still compete in elections?

Stalin. (...) the electoral lists for the elections will be put forward not only by the Communist Party, but also by all kinds of public non-party organizations. And we have hundreds of them. We do not have parties opposing each other, just as we do not have a class of capitalists and a class of workers exploited by capitalists opposing each other.

Stalin. Our society consists exclusively of free workers of the city and countryside- workers, peasants, intelligentsia. Each of these layers may have its own special interests and reflect them through existing public organizations. But as long as there are no classes, as long as the boundaries between classes are erased, as long as only some, but not fundamental, differences remain between the various layers of socialist society, there can be no fertile ground for the creation of parties fighting among themselves. Where there are not several classes, there cannot be several parties, for the party is part of the class. (...) It seems to you that there will be no electoral struggle. But it will happen, and I foresee a very lively election fight. We have quite a few institutions that work poorly. It happens that one or another local government body does not know how to satisfy one or another of the multifaceted and ever-increasing needs of the working people of the city and countryside. Have you built or not built a good school? Have you improved your living conditions? Aren't you a bureaucrat? Has it helped to make our work more efficient, our life more cultural? These will be the criteria with which millions of voters will approach candidates, discarding unsuitable ones, crossing them off the lists, nominating the best and nominating them. Yes, the election struggle will be lively, it will take place around many pressing issues, mainly practical issues that are of paramount importance for the people. Our new electoral system will tighten up all institutions and organizations and force them to improve their work. General, equal, direct and secret elections in the USSR will be a whip in the hands of the population against poorly functioning authorities. Our new constitution will, in my opinion, be the most democratic constitution existing in the world.

The Constitution of the USSR of 1936 proclaimed personal freedoms and guarantees of personal integrity. And everything that J.V. Stalin explained to R. Howard found its expression in the “Stalin Constitution”.

Chapter IX. Court and prosecutor's office

Article 102. Justice in the USSR is carried out by the Supreme Court of the USSR, the Supreme Courts of the union republics, regional and regional courts, courts of autonomous republics and autonomous regions, district courts, special courts of the USSR created by resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and people's courts.

Article 103. The consideration of cases in all courts is carried out with the participation of people's assessors, except in cases specifically provided for by law.

Article 104. The Supreme Court of the USSR is the highest judicial body. The Supreme Court of the USSR is entrusted with supervision of the judicial activities of all judicial bodies of the USSR and union republics.

Article 105. The Supreme Court of the USSR and special courts of the USSR are elected by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for a period of five years.

Article 106. The Supreme Courts of the Union Republics are elected by the Supreme Councils of the Union Republics for a period of five years.

Article 107. The Supreme Courts of the autonomous republics are elected by the Supreme Councils of the autonomous republics for a period of five years.

Article 108. Regional and regional courts, courts of autonomous regions, and district courts are elected by regional, regional or district Soviets of Working People's Deputies or Councils of Working People's Deputies of Autonomous Regions for a period of five years.

Article 109. People's courts are elected by citizens of the region on the basis of universal, direct and equal suffrage by secret ballot - for a period of three years.

Article 110. Legal proceedings are conducted in the language of a union or autonomous republic or autonomous region, ensuring that persons who do not speak this language are fully familiarized with the case materials through an interpreter, as well as the right to speak in court in their native language

Article 111. Proceedings in all courts of the USSR are open, since the law does not provide for exceptions, ensuring the accused the right to defense.

Article 112. Judges are independent and subject only to the law.

Article 113. The highest supervision over the exact implementation of laws by all People's Commissariats and institutions subordinate to them, as well as individual officials, as well as citizens of the USSR, rests with the Prosecutor of the USSR. Article 114. The USSR Prosecutor is appointed by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR for a period of seven years.

Article 115. Republican, regional, regional prosecutors, as well as prosecutors of autonomous republics and autonomous regions, are appointed by the Prosecutor of the USSR for a period of five years.

Article 116. District, regional and city prosecutors are appointed by the prosecutors of the Union republics with the approval of the USSR Prosecutor for a period of five years.

Article 117. The prosecutor's office carries out its functions independently of any local authorities, subordinate only to the Prosecutor of the USSR.

Chapter X. Fundamental rights and obligations of citizens

Article 118. Citizens of the USSR have the right to work, that is, the right to receive guaranteed work with payment for their work in accordance with its quantity and quality. The right to work is ensured by the socialist organization of the national economy, the steady growth of the productive forces of Soviet society, the elimination of the possibility of economic crises and the elimination of unemployment. Article 119. Citizens of the USSR have the right to rest. The right to rest is ensured by shortening the working day for the vast majority of workers to 7 hours, establishing annual leaves for workers and employees without paying wages, and providing a wide network of sanatoriums, rest homes, and clubs to serve workers.

Article 120. Citizens of the USSR have the right to financial support in old age, as well as in case of illness and loss of ability to work. This right is ensured by the widespread development of social insurance for workers and employees at the expense of the state, free medical care for workers, and the provision of a wide network of resorts for the use of workers.

Article 121. Citizens of the USSR have the right to education. This right is ensured by universal compulsory primary education, free education, including higher education, a system of state scholarships for the vast majority of students in higher education, education in schools in their native language, the organization of free production, technical and agronomic education in factories, state farms, machine and tractor stations and collective farms. training of workers.

Article 122. Women in the USSR are granted equal rights with men in all areas of economic, state, cultural and socio-political life.

The possibility of exercising these rights of women is ensured by granting women equal rights with men to work, wages, rest, social insurance and education, state protection of the interests of mother and child, granting women leave during pregnancy with pay, a wide network of maternity hospitals, nurseries and kindergartens .

Article 123. Equality of rights of citizens of the USSR, regardless of their nationality and race, in all areas of economic, state, cultural and socio-political life is an immutable law. Any direct or indirect restriction of rights or, conversely, the establishment of direct or indirect advantages of citizens depending on their racial and national origin, as well as any preaching of racial or national exclusivity, or hatred and disdain, are punishable by law.

Article 124. In order to ensure freedom of conscience for citizens, the church in the USSR is separated from the state and the school from the church. Freedom of religious worship and freedom of anti-religious propaganda are recognized for all citizens.

Article 125. In accordance with the interests of workers and in order to strengthen the socialist system, citizens of the USSR are guaranteed by law: a) freedom of speech, b) freedom of the press, c) freedom of meetings and rallies, d) freedom of street processions and demonstrations. These rights of citizens are ensured by the provision of printing houses, paper supplies, public buildings, streets, communications and other material conditions necessary for their implementation to workers and their organizations.

Article 126. In accordance with the interests of workers and in order to develop organizational initiative and political activity of the masses, citizens of the USSR are guaranteed the right to associate in public organizations: trade unions, cooperative associations, youth organizations, sports and defense organizations, cultural, technical and scientific societies, and the most active and Conscious citizens from the ranks of the working class and other layers of workers unite into the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), which is the vanguard of workers in their struggle for the strengthening and development of the socialist system and representing the leading core of all organizations of workers, both public and state.

Article 127. Citizens of the USSR are guaranteed personal immunity. No one can be arrested except by order of a court or with the sanction of a prosecutor.

Article 128. The inviolability of citizens' homes and the secrecy of correspondence are protected by law.

Article 129. The USSR grants the right of asylum to foreign citizens persecuted for defending the interests of workers, or scientific activity, or the national liberation struggle.

Article 130. Every citizen of the USSR is obliged to comply with the Constitution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, comply with laws, maintain labor discipline, honestly treat public duty, and respect the rules of socialist society.

Article 131. Every citizen of the USSR is obliged to protect and strengthen public, socialist property, as the sacred and inviolable foundation of the Soviet system, as the source of the wealth and power of the homeland, as the source of the prosperous and cultural life of all working people. Persons who encroach on public, socialist property are enemies of the people.

Article 132. Universal conscription is the law. Military service in the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army is an honorable duty for citizens of the USSR.

Article 133. Defense of the fatherland is the sacred duty of every citizen of the USSR. Treason to the motherland: violation of the oath, defection to the side of the enemy, damage to the military power of the state, espionage - are punished to the fullest extent of the law, as the most serious crime."

Why is the “Stalinist Constitution” unacceptable to the Russian “elite”?

An unbiased analysis of the text of the Constitution of the USSR of 1936 shows that it is not only a good declarative political document, but also a legal one. And there is no textual basis in it to evaluate it as a “decorative screen”, the purpose of which is to present in a beautiful form the anti-people dictatorship of an autocratic tyrant, the conductor of whose will was the only ruling party and state security agencies. The rights and freedoms of citizens of the USSR are proclaimed by the Constitution of 1936 quite definitely and at the same time justified, in contrast to the Constitution of the Russian Federation of 1993. That is why, when the Constitution of the USSR of 1936 was published, it was recognized by many public figures, writers, and politicians as the most democratic in comparison with the constitutions of other states, and above all - with the constitutions of the so-called “developed” bourgeois-liberal democracies. The abuses of power of 1937 and subsequent ones have nothing to do with its text, contrary to the opinions of many.

Tyrants do not need Constitutions of such content, since such an understanding of law (jurisdiction) inevitably and inexorably undermines tyranny over time due to the personal development of people. Tyrannies give rise to constitutions that are different in content.

The Constitution of the Russian Federation of 1993 is a constitution of anonymous corporate, not individual tyranny. But the possibility of implementing anonymous corporate tyranny does not reach the consciousness of most ordinary people, and they, even realizing the tyrannical nature of power, strive to personify it: this is how for many V.V. Putin is an autocratic dictator-tyrant, the sole ruler of Russia - despite the fact that one person is not able to replace the state apparatus, the work of which always, to a greater or lesser extent, expresses the arbitrariness of officials, not under the control of the head of state.

Notes in the margins

In this context, it is worth considering Khazanov’s attempt to “crown” Putin and place full responsibility on him.

TASS: It turned out that the artist did not come to the Kremlin empty-handed and prepared to present the head of state with his gift, which he had prepared for Putin’s recent birthday. It turned out that Khazanov brought a copy of the Russian imperial crown to the Kremlin.

If you had brought something more modest, I would have kept it for myself, but now I’ll have to hand it over to the Kremlin,

- Putin said.

Khazanov suggested that one crown will continue to stand in the Diamond Fund, and his gift “could stand in the office” of the head of state.

No, no, thank you very much,

- Putin refused the offer.

Taking the gift in his hands, the head of state placed the crown on the artist, noting:

Since the hero of the day today is not me, but you, this is just right for you.

The artist, however, noted that “this hat” was heavy for him (http://tass.ru/obschestvo/2488489).

Vladimir Putin reacted quite correctly by putting the “Monomakh hat” he proposed on the hero of the day, and initially incorrectly, hinting that society, and not individuals, is responsible for the fate of society itself. Putin thus made it clear that the role proposed by Khazanov was unacceptable to him, and thus offered Khazanov himself to try on what he was offering him.

• Ensuring the rights and freedoms of the individual proclaimed in the Constitution of the USSR of 1936, in its context, is based on objective sociocultural laws, i.e. stems from them.
• A fair share of the problems of post-Soviet Russia stems from the fact that attempts to force the country to live according to the 1993 Russian Constitution, filled with pompous liberal idle talk about democracy, freedom and human rights, covering cynicism, hypocrisy, treachery and undeniable stupidity in its text and subtext, lead to conflict with the objective laws of the existence of society, and therefore its declarations, in principle, cannot be implemented. It is for this reason that she is a “decorative screen” hiding anonymous supra-state mafia-corporate tyranny, and her declarations are purely demagogic - populist - in nature. We will consider these essential features of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in the following articles.

However, it would be wrong to imagine the USSR of the Stalin era as the ideal of social life embodied in the past: otherwise, 1937, the disaster of the summer of 1941 and many other disasters and abuses of power of those times would have been impossible, and the USSR would currently be the leader of civilizational development and determine the nature of globalization. The current legislation of the USSR and the by-laws of that era were indeed not in all respects consistent with the Constitution, and in some aspects contradicted it; some of the provisions declared by the Constitution were not expressed either in the rest of the legislation or in uncodified socio-political practice. The real life of the USSR did not correspond to the Constitution of 1936, neither before its adoption, nor after - until its replacement by the Constitution of the USSR of 1977.

But the reasons for this are not in the Constitution, but in society: in statistics, i.e. in the distribution of people by types of mental structure; in the distribution of people according to the types of personal culture of worldview and thinking; in the attitude of people to state power, to the economic system and its components; in relation to those who have assumed certain powers in state and economic management, to the rest of society. And if we analyze this issue, the conclusion is inevitable:

The Constitution of the USSR of 1936 and Soviet society of that era (its morality, culture of worldview and thinking, worldview, ethics that developed in it) mutuallydid not match each other.

Let us consider the integral characteristics of the reasons for the discrepancy between life in the USSR and the Constitution of 1936, expressed by different people, who understood something about the life of human societies.

Those who are willing to give up their freedom to gain short-lived protection from danger deserve neither freedom nor security.

— Benjamin Franklin (1706 - 1790), American politician, scientist and educator, one of the co-authors of the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution.

Can he who becomes a creeping worm then complain that he has been crushed?

— Immanuel Kant (1724 - 1804).

Only those who go to battle for them every day are worthy of happiness and freedom.

— I.V. Goette (1749 - 1832), “Faust.”

A righteous society made up of scoundrels.

— assessment of the prospects of the socialist experiment in Russia several decades before its start V.O. Klyuchevsky (1841 - 1911).

Let us quote one more statement out of chronology:

Those who are smart enough to stay out of politics are punished by being ruled by people dumber than themselves.

- Plato (427 or 428 - 348 or 347 BC, Athens, ancient Greece).

The above statement by B. Franklin was unknown to the vast majority in the Russian Empire and the USSR. It is unknown to the vast majority of Russians even today: we do not study in detail the history of other countries and peoples and world history... but we should: it is useful. The same applies to the statements of I. Kant and Plato.

Knowledge of the plot of “Faust” in the Russian Empire was one of the signs of a person’s belonging to an educated, culturally developed part of society. In the USSR, “Faust” was for a long time included in the compulsory literature course in the system of universal compulsory education, and the overwhelming majority of the country’s now adult population read this phrase at least once in their lives. However, only a few out of thousands have taken this principle to heart and follow it in life; the overwhelming majority have forgotten and are not even aware of the existence in the life of the crowd-“elite” society of the ethical pattern expressed by B. Franklin, I. Kant and I.V. Goethe.

The above statement by V.O. Klyuchevsky during his lifetime was his personal intellectual property as a diary entry. Therefore, perhaps one of his close friends heard him, with whom he discussed the problems of history, current politics and prospects. But it did not become widespread even among the educated part of society, not to mention its popularity among the “socialists” themselves. In Soviet and post-Soviet times, familiarity with the works of V.O. Klyuchevsky was mainly the lot of professional historians, who for the most part are not interested in his notebooks of aphorisms. Therefore, this proactive assessment of real events about the prospects for attempting to build socialism in Russia - without a moral and ethical transformation of society - was unknown to the overwhelming majority both then and now. And the analysis of the events of that era does not correlate with it in official historical science.

If we analyze the essence of Soviet power as expressed in the Constitution of the USSR of 1936, then Soviet power can only exist as the power of the people themselves, and not as the power of some “elite” isolated in one way or another from society, which is entrusted with the mission of ruling the state in the interests of the people.

The Stalinist Constitution is the constitution of the USSR, adopted on December 5, 1936. At the time of its adoption, this document was considered the most democratic constitution in the world. Those rights and freedoms proclaimed in the country’s dominant document were not voiced anywhere. Another thing is that most freedoms in the USSR were implemented on paper, but in fact, immediately after the adoption of this document, repression began. In any case, the constitution of 1936 consolidated the existence of the USSR and laid the foundation for the further development of the country.

The 1936 Constitution consisted of 13 chapters, of which:

• 1 - regulated general provisions.
• 2-8 - regulated the state structure, as well as the mechanism of work of government bodies: from higher to local.
• 9 - the activities of the judicial system and the prosecutor’s office that controls it.
• 10 - civil rights and freedoms of citizens.
• 11 - basics of the electoral system.
• 12 - state symbols.
• 13 - rules for changing the constitution.

The Stalinist constitution recorded the fact of the victory of socialism, but with one caveat applied in the document - the constitution was basically of victorious socialism.

Form of statehood

The USSR was proclaimed a country consisting of Union republics. All republics retained broad powers of sovereignty with the exception of governing bodies. All governing bodies were prescribed in the constitution of the USSR, and the union republics were obliged to fulfill this. Otherwise, there were no restrictions: each republic could voluntarily leave the Soviet Union, modify the constitution to suit local needs, maintain its own army, conduct direct negotiations with other countries bypassing Moscow, exchange ambassadors, and so on. The Constitution guaranteed that the boundaries of individual republics could not be changed except with the consent of the republic itself.

In 1936, the union republics within the USSR were:

• Russia
• Ukraine
• Belarus
• Kazakhstan
• Georgia
• Azerbaijan
• Latvia
• Lithuania
• Estonia
• Moldova
• Kyrgyzstan
• Tajikistan
• Turkmenistan
• Armenia
• Uzbekistan

In total, 15 republican states.

Government

All legislative power was transferred to the Supreme Council. It was an electoral body. Deputies were elected for 4 years. It turned out to be a funny situation - on the one hand, the constitution stated that the Supreme Council is the main body in the country, but on the other hand, everyone knew and understood that the real power was with the Central Committee of the party. This is the main difference between the 1936 constitution and the 1924 constitution, where all power was transferred to the Congress of Soviets. Now the management system was changing radically, since in 1924 the government had to be emergency (civil war), and in 1936 it had to be productive (socialism won in the USSR and it was necessary to develop it). The management system of the USSR, formed after 1936, can be schematically represented as follows.

The Supreme Council had two levels. It consisted of two chambers, each of which was formed by elected deputies:

1. Council of Unions. He was involved in national affairs. One deputy was formed based on 300 thousand people.
2. Council of Nationalities. He was involved in republican issues. It was formed from 32 candidates from each republic. Additionally, 11 people from each autonomous republic and 5 from the autonomous region.

Each republic had to form its own republican Supreme Council, also elected for 4 years. He resolved all local issues and was subordinate to Moscow in the hierarchy. The republican government and the council of ministers were directly subordinate to him. Each of these bodies was controlled and concentrated executive power in its hands.

Judicial system

Stalin's 1936 Constitution of the Soviet Union systematized the courts. A hierarchy was introduced when cases, divided by priority, were considered in certain institutions. For example, minor incidents were considered by courts in the city and villages, more significant incidents were dealt with at the regional level, and crimes of national scale and significance were dealt with in Moscow, in the Supreme Court. The judicial hierarchy from bottom to top is presented in the form of courts:

• People's
• District.
• Regional.
• Supreme.

The Constitution gave the Supreme Council the right to form special courts to deal with the most important cases. Later, for example, such courts were formed to study the details of the Chernobyl disaster.

Regardless of the location of the hearing, all courts in the USSR were to become open and transparent. Each judge had to act objectively. The judge was elected for 5 years, appointed “from above.” Conducting court hearings was prohibited without the involvement of lay judges. Moreover, they were involved regardless of the type of judicial institution. The assessors were ordinary workers nominated by the collectives. Each assessor was elected to his post for 2 years, partially relieved of his work duties while working in court.

The judicial system of the USSR as a whole recorded its independence and autonomy. On paper, the principles of transparency and objectivity were stated, but in reality one more body was introduced that controlled the courts - the prosecutor's office. The prosecutor's offices also operated according to a hierarchy: the General Prosecutor's Office in Moscow, regional, regional, people's. The Prosecutor General was appointed by decision of the Supreme Council for 5 years. The functions of the prosecutor's office included monitoring compliance with the legality of the actions of the courts. If we cannot talk about independence about the courts, since there was a control body over them, then we can talk about the prosecutor’s office as a completely independent body. They were not subordinate to any authorities, being responsible only to the Prosecutor General.

Civil liberties and rights

The Stalinist constitution became the leading document of its era precisely thanks to the “civil” provisions from the 10th chapter. You can argue as much as you like that the rights and freedoms proclaimed by the constitutions were most often not fulfilled, but the fact is different - Until 1936, in no country in the world were such rights and freedoms officially granted to all citizens. This was the victory of socialism over capitalism, and Western countries will never forgive this. Even if we consider the modern US Constitution, then, taking into account all the amendments, citizens have very few rights and they are greatly curtailed compared to what they had in the USSR. As for the talk that freedoms remained on paper, compare this to the talk that the USSR provoked Germany to attack. There is nothing behind this except the strong desire of other countries to belittle the history of Russia and the USSR. In no country in the world has the constitution been implemented 100%. But the claim today against the USSR is not so much because civil rights and freedoms were touched, but because they were written down in an official document.

Basic rights of citizens of the USSR according to the constitution:

1. To rest. This was expressed in the legislative establishment of an 8-hour working day, as well as the provision of annual leave to each person, which was paid by the state.
2. To work (labor). This was expressed in providing every person with a guaranteed job. Unemployment was minimal and tended to zero.
3. For education. The Constitution declared all education in the country free. At the same time, a compulsory program (8 classes) and an additional one (colleges and universities) were introduced.

The constitution stated that every citizen of the USSR is inviolable and receives security guarantees. He is also provided with a guarantee of the inviolability and integrity of the home. An important feature of the 1936 USSR Constitution is that the country established equal rights for men and women. Today this seems commonplace and logical, but until the mid-20th century, the case of the USSR was unique. In other countries, women were given very limited civil rights.

Every citizen was obliged:

1. Defend the Motherland. Military service was a mandatory and honorable duty for everyone.
2. Obey the laws. This requirement applied not only to the Constitution and Codes, but also to discipline at work and the rules of cohabitation. The latter was extremely relevant, since the vast majority of the population lived in dormitories.
3. To defend and preserve socialist property. Any person who admired state property or caused serious harm to production was considered a traitor. According to the laws of that time, this was the death penalty.

Voting rights

All government bodies in the USSR were elected. Elections were held by all estates, direct and secret. the election system is identical to the one we have today. What was unique was that in the Soviet Union, every person began to have equal voting rights (1 voter - 1 vote), and all citizens of the USSR after 18 years were allowed to vote. There were no additional restrictions. For comparison, women were allowed to vote in Switzerland in 1959, in the USA in 1920, in Germany in 1949, in Spain in 1977. In Russia, this happened immediately after the Revolution of 1917, and the constitution only enshrined these rights.

Any person over 23 years old could apply for the role of deputy. There were no other restrictions. But they were not on paper. In reality, only a party member could be a deputy.

I would like to draw special attention to Clause 142 of the Stalinist Constitution, which established the duties of deputies. He had to report quarterly and annually to voters on the work done. This introduced a system of deputy responsibility to voters. especially since deputies were most often elected by factories and reported to their colleagues. Deputies did not have immunity. Anyone could lose their parliamentary status at any minute. To do this, a majority of voters had to vote. This was done quite easily, since the deputy was nominated by the work collective, to whom he was responsible and accountable.

State symbols

Moscow was established as the capital of the USSR. Flag: on the red banner there is a sickle, a hammer and a red star of 5 rays, located in the corner of the flagpole.

The coat of arms of the USSR has been established: the Earth is depicted with a hammer and sickle marked on it. The earth is shaped by wheat ears in the rays of the sun. Above them is a red star. The inscription “Workers of all countries unite” was applied in all “union” languages.

As usual, people are divided into two opposing groups: some remember the past with warmth, while others have a negative attitude towards the USSR. One of the good things that people who lived during Soviet times celebrate are holidays. Many are nostalgic for the May Day demonstrations.

October 7 - Constitution Day of the USSR - was not celebrated on a large scale, but was still a significant holiday. Nowadays, December 12th is a holiday. On this day this Constitution was adopted. If the calendar showed not 2017, but any other period from 1977 to 1991, then October 7, the USSR Constitution Day, would be considered a holiday. But we no longer live in the Union Republic, but in the Russian Federation, and therefore we celebrate the Constitution Day of the Russian Federation, as already mentioned, on December 12. USSR Constitution Day has been celebrated in October for almost 15 years.

Background

In total, Soviet Russia has four draft Constitutions in its history: 1918, 1924, 1936 and 1977. The draft of the new Constitution of the USSR (the fourth in a row) began to be developed in 1962 according to the Resolution of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union with the creation of the Constitutional Commission. It included 97 people. Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev became the chairman of this commission.

The meeting of the Constitutional Commission took place on June 15, 1962 and was remembered for the discussion of the main tasks for preparing a new Constitution, as well as the formation of nine subcommittees. August 1964 marked the completion of the development of a new constitutional document. An explanatory note to it was also completed. At that time, the project included 276 articles. But then it was seriously revised and was approved far from its original form.

In December 1964, the chairman of the Constitutional Commission was changed. He becomes Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev. As a result, on October 4-6, 1977, a hearing takes place during meetings of the chambers of the Supreme Council. On October 7, the new Constitution of the Soviet Union is adopted. First it is taken in sections, and then in its entirety. The next day, all Soviet newspapers published the new Constitution. From now on, October 7 - USSR Constitution Day - is a day off.

New document from 1977

The main features of this Constitution are the following:

1. A large preamble appears in connection with the new ideological position that a “national socialist state” has been built.

2. The system of power remains the same.

3. The councils were renamed from “Councils of Working People’s Deputies” to “Councils of People’s Deputies”.

4. The principle of democratic centralism is officially established.

5. The leading place of the CPSU is secured.

6. The list of ministries has been withdrawn.

7. The right to appeal against decisions of officials was proclaimed (but was not supported by law).

Celebration

October 7 - Constitution Day of the USSR - was not celebrated on the same scale as, for example, May Day, when large demonstrations were organized, where people really went as if for a holiday.

For Soviet families, this was a traditional hike, when everyone got together, put on their best clothes and had fun together.

Travel holiday dates

October 7 did not immediately become a holiday date. Constitution Day in the USSR until 1977 was celebrated on December 5. It was on this date that the Constitution of the USSR of 1936 was adopted. Due to the fact that there were several Soviet Constitutions, people often ask the question: “In the end, when was the event celebrated? The Constitution Day of the USSR was often postponed.” Indeed, with the adoption of the Basic Law of the USSR in 1977, the holiday date was set on October 7. The new document was called the “Constitution of Developed Socialism.” Nowadays, Constitution Day of the Russian Federation is celebrated on December 12.

On this day, as a rule, various medals, orders and other memorabilia are awarded to outstanding legal workers.

Structure of the 1977 document

9 sections, 21 chapters and 174 articles - this was the structure of the new Constitution at the time of its adoption:

• Preamble.
• Section 1 was devoted to the foundations on which the society and politics of the Soviet Union are built.
• Section 2 is devoted to the state and the individual.
• Section 3 - the national-state structure of the Soviet Union.
• Section 4 - councils of people's deputies and the procedure for their election.
• Section 5 - to the highest bodies of state power and administration of the Soviet Union.
• Section 6 - the basics of the formation of government and management bodies in the union republics.
• Section 7 - justice, arbitration and prosecutorial supervision.
• Section 8 - the coat of arms, flag, anthem and capital of the Soviet Union.
• Section 9 - the effect of the Constitution of the Soviet Union and the procedure for amending it.

These sections included 21 chapters, each detailing the consideration of government structure, social life, rights and freedoms of the population. The preamble assessed the sixty-year historical path traversed after the October 1917 revolution. Soviet society was characterized as a developed socialist society, located at a natural stage of development on the road to the communist system. The preamble stated that the Soviet government had carried out profound changes in the social and economic spheres, human exploitation, class antagonism and national enmity had been eradicated. An interesting fact is that the preamble to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted in 1993, is almost 20 times smaller than the preamble to the 1977 Constitution.

Evolution of the 1977 Constitution

Amendments were made 6 times during the entire existence of the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union.

In 1981, Article 132 was introduced, according to which from that moment it was determined that the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union could include not only ministers, but also other members of the USSR Government.

In December 1988, several chapters were ruled at once, which affected the electoral system, and the Congress of People's Deputies was established.

Next year, amendments will be issued regarding the SND and constitutional oversight. The year 1990 is remembered as the year of the most ambitious amendments - from that moment the one-party system was abolished, and the role of the CPSU ceased to be leading. The post of President of the USSR appeared, private property was introduced.

The most interesting events took place in September 1991. A new law was adopted that changes the structure and order by which the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union was formed; such a position as the Vice-President of the USSR ceased to exist. The State Council of the USSR appeared. The Constitution continued in effect only in such a way that it did not contradict the new law adopted.

Termination of the 1977 Constitution

December 8, 1991 was the day the Belovezhskaya Agreement was signed. According to it, the Commonwealth of Independent States was created. This document confirmed the fact that the USSR had ceased to exist as a subject of international law and a geopolitical unit. The CIS was created on the basis of historical memory and community of peoples and, partly, habit. The need to recognize the sovereignty of the former Soviet republics, which have now become independent states, came to the fore.

From now on, the RSFSR became an independent non-union entity. On December 25, 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev renounced his powers as President of the USSR. The Constitution of the USSR actually lost its legal position in connection with the creation of the CIS, but still continued to be mentioned in the Constitution of the RSFSR until 1993 - until the approval of the draft of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation, which is currently in force. And October 7 is no longer considered Constitution Day of the USSR; it remains in the last century.

One of the holidays is approaching, which during the existence of the Soviet Union and then the Russian Federation wandered around the calendar so much that many still do not know when to celebrate it. Of course, you guessed that this holiday is Constitution Day.

When is Constitution Day of the Russian Federation celebrated?

Constitution Day of the Russian Federation is celebrated 12 December, it is not a day off in Russia.

history of the holiday

The basic law by which our country lives today was adopted by popular vote December 12, 1993 under the president Boris Yeltsin, which is why the current constitution is sometimes called Yeltsin’s.

Constitution Day, December 12, has become not only a holiday, but also a day off since 1994. Then Boris Yeltsin adopted two decrees: “On the Constitution Day of the Russian Federation” and “On the non-working day of December 12.”

Alas, since 2005, December 12 has ceased to be a day off. This happened after the State Duma adopted corresponding amendments to the Labor Code of Russia in December 2004.

The first Russian constitution

Things have always been so-so with the constitution in the Russian Empire. Repeated attempts by advanced political forces to limit the power of the monarch by law, as a rule, remained only intentions, which for various reasons could not be realized (despite the fact that the Kingdom of Poland, which was part of the Russian Empire, had a constitution).

The first Russian constitution, in fact, was the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire, adopted in 1905-1906 by the will of the emperor NicholasII. This document was granted by the monarch and was not approved either by popular vote or by the then Duma.

Lenin, Stalin and Brezhnev constitutions

After the October Revolution, the monarchy was abolished, and Russia became first a bourgeois and then a Soviet republic.

In 1918 it was adopted the first Constitution of Soviet Russia.

Then it was accepted Constitution of the USSR 1924. This document was approved by the Second Congress of Soviets of the USSR and became the first fundamental law of the newly formed Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Constitution of 1924 consolidated the state structure of the USSR on the basis of Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat and reflected the multinational character of the Soviet Union.

The Constitution of 1924 was replaced by the famous "Stalin's Constitution", which existed with minor changes from 1336 to 1977. The Constitution of the USSR of 1936 (it was also called the “Constitution of victorious socialism”) was adopted by the VIII All-Union Extraordinary Congress of Soviets on December 5, 1936. Therefore, in the Soviet Union, Constitution Day was celebrated 5th of December and it was a day off.

In 1977, the “Stalinist” one was replaced by "Brezhnev Constitution", which was officially called the “Constitution of Developed Socialism.” It was adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on October 7, 1977, so the Constitution Day holiday moved from December 5 to October 7th.

The “Brezhnev Constitution” lasted from 1977 to 1991, losing its force with the disappearance of the Soviet Union.

Congratulations on Constitution Day, December 12

***
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity
For anyone and everyone in the country.
An opportunity for everyone to get together
Learn for both you and me.

Have children and build a house,
Create, work and breathe.
Think freely, argue freely...
What else can you dream about?

Happy Constitution Day, friends!
May this holiday be in every home
Brings order and freedom,
And faith in the Basic Law.

***
Constitution Day - what kind of holiday is it?
A holiday of laws, a holiday of freedoms.
Constitution Day is an important holiday,
A day when all the Russian people are happy.

The highest value is you, man!
On Constitution Day, always and forever.
On this holiday we honor our Basic Law,
It became a memorable date for us.

Constitution Day is a big holiday,
All Russians will celebrate with all their hearts.
We celebrate this day not in vain,
This day is December 12th!

This day in history:

According to Stalin, the elections were supposed to be a whip in the hands of the population against the poorly functioning government.

2016 marks the 80th anniversary of the adoption of the “Stalinist Constitution” on December 5, 1936. The current authorities and bourgeois media try not to remember this “Basic Law”. If they do mention it, they portray it as a “smoke screen” designed to hide mass repressions that were being prepared in advance. Read our material for interesting facts about this important document, known to few.

The new Constitution as a defense of the USSR

In his book about Stalin, Edward Radzinsky wrote: “Just before the New Year, Stalin organized a holiday for the people: he gave them the Constitution written by poor Bukharin.” This short sentence contains several factual errors.

Firstly, the Constitution was adopted not “just before the New Year,” but on December 5, 1936. Secondly, the new Constitution was not “given” from above. Its adoption was preceded by months of nationwide discussions of the draft Constitution. Thirdly, Bukharin was not the author of the Constitution, but only headed one of the subcommittees for its preparation.

Until 1936, the Constitution of 1924 was in force in the USSR, which consisted of the Declaration and the Treaty on the Formation of the USSR and consolidated the power of the Councils, built on the principle of delegation - lower Councils formed higher ones. The system of electing the Soviets was not that important, because already from the 20s they were a façade of the communist regime. However, the “power of the Soviets” was the pride of the Bolsheviks, since it differed from the “parliamentary talking shop” of bourgeois countries. In Western countries, the Soviet system was considered a sign of the undemocratic nature of the USSR, since general elections were not held in the “land of the Soviets.”

The ideas of political reforms had been ripening in Stalin since the early 30s, and were finally formed after Hitler came to power, that is, at the end of 1933. Just when it became clear that a mortal danger was looming over the country. At first, the most important changes were supposed to be made in foreign policy. And then what was to happen was what Stalin had not warned about quietly: a broad change of leadership at all levels of government.

The new foreign policy included a refusal to foment world revolution, the conclusion of defensive treaties with capitalist countries, a refusal to fight the Social Democrats, and a call on communists in other countries to move from the policy of boycotting elections to participating in them.

However, all attempts to create an anti-fascist coalition in the early 30s failed. England, Poland and France, on which the greatest hopes were pinned, abandoned the military anti-fascist alliance with the USSR. This was a defeat for the “new foreign policy course,” and was by no means the fault of the USSR.

Course towards democracy

At the Congress in 1936, Stalin spoke about democracy for the first time: “The ruling classes of capitalist countries are diligently destroying or nullifying the last remnants of parliamentarism and bourgeois democracy, which can be used by the working class in its struggle against the oppressors.” This is a completely new motive in the speeches of the Soviet leadership, which cannot be underestimated.

Some provisions of bourgeois democracy were to be reflected in the new Constitution. But the main goal of its creation is to replace a significant part of the partyocrats with specialists, and then gradually limit the power of the party and demonstrate to the whole world the change in the policy of the Soviet Union towards liberalization. Unfortunately, none of these goals were fully achieved.

Stalin intended to remove the party from real power altogether. That’s why I first conceived a new Constitution, and then alternative elections based on it. After this, he intended to adopt a new Party Program and Charter. There is reason to believe that party reforms could be even more bold. Stalin, speaking at a plenum in 1936, said: “We don’t have different parties. Fortunately or unfortunately, we have one party.”

And, as you know, Stalin did not express rash thoughts. Limiting the power of the party and making it equal to the Soviets is a dictator’s pipe dream. Although it was not possible to complete this task in the 1930s, it excited Stalin’s imagination all his life. The leader tried to implement this idea after the war, but did not have time.

The right to choose - everyone

If you carefully read the Stalinist Constitution of 1936, it is not difficult to notice that the party appears there only once in Article 125, this is the article on public organizations. It said that the party is the core of public organizations. Not the leading force of the country and society, as it became in the Brezhnev Constitution, but just the core of social strata.

There was not even a hint of a “world revolution” in the new Constitution. Elections to the Supreme Council must be held by secret ballot. Previously, they were carried out at the place of work and were carried out by a simple show of hands. The new Constitution assumed the presence of ballots and ballot boxes. It’s interesting that at first they even wanted to introduce envelopes, that is, ballots had to be put into envelopes and then dropped into a ballot box.

Elections in Russia have never been equal - neither under the Tsar, nor before that in the Soviet Union. Workers had a quota five times higher than peasants. And many categories of citizens (kulaks, clergy, former landowners, gendarmes and generals) were generally deprived of voting rights. According to the new Constitution, voting rights were returned to everyone - this affected the interests of more than two million people, elections became equal and direct, that is, without electors, as has always been the case in Russia.

At the proposal of the USSR Prosecutor General A. Vyshinsky, the Politburo approved the decision to expunge the criminal records of collective farmers convicted of petty theft under the so-called law of three ears of corn. As a result, in the year of the adoption of the Constitution and on the eve of the expected elections to the Supreme Council, about a million people returned from prison. At the same time, the pressure of the punitive machine on the population was sharply reduced. Thus, speaking at the VIII Extraordinary Congress of Soviets, Vyshinsky cited the following data: “If the number of convicts in the first half of 1933 is taken as 100, then in the RSFSR in the first half of 1936 the number of convicts would be 51.8 percent.”

Limit the power of the party

“Stalin was not interested in the party nomenklatura as such, he needed control over the secretaries of regional committees, regional committees and national republics. If the problem of replacing them is solved within the framework of the Charter, then in this case power still remains with the party. And as we have already said, Stalin “I targeted her,” researcher Yuri Zhukov writes in his book “The Other Stalin.”

Perhaps that is why Stalin decided to introduce a rule that would allow several candidates to be elected for one seat in the Supreme Council. In this case, the first secretary of the regional committee would be forced to compete with one or two opponents. And since by the mid-30s the secretaries had already done a lot of things in their areas, their competitors were likely to win. Accustomed since the Civil War to “leather jackets and Mausers,” party apparatchiks were incapable of leadership activities and should, according to Stalin’s idea, be liberated “as having lost touch with the masses.” In this way, the problem of replacing incompetent leaders in their posts would be solved bloodlessly and democratically.

Stalin carefully hid his fundamental idea from the majority of members of the Central Committee. But he understood that someday this issue would still have to be brought up for discussion at the Plenum and his Byzantine tricks would be unraveled. In order not to discuss this key idea at closed Areopagus, but to immediately enlist the support of the masses, he chose an unusual path.

For the first time, he publicly announced the decisive addition to the draft of the new Constitution in an interview that on March 1, 1936 he gave to one of the leaders of the American newspaper association Scripps-Howard Newspapers, Roy Wilson Howard.

Stalin said: “...elector lists for the elections will be put forward not only by the Communist Party, but also by all kinds of public non-party organizations.” Further, he formulated his secret plan, until that moment hidden from the majority of members of the Central Committee: “General, equal, direct and secret elections in the USSR will be a whip in the hands of the population against poorly functioning authorities.”

Work on a new Constitution

At first, the Secretary of the Central Executive Committee A. Enukidze worked on the draft Constitution. But he began to challenge many provisions, in particular, he objected to the provision on the separation of powers and the election of judges. Realizing that you couldn’t make porridge with him, Stalin created an editorial commission, which, by the way, included Bukharin. It is curious that Bukharin sharply objected to equal voting rights for workers and peasants.

But in the end, Stalin got tired of arguing, and he entrusted work on the project to two heads of departments of the Central Committee, Stetsky and Yakovlev. They did all the main work - they wrote the draft Constitution and the electoral law. The final version of the Constitution was written by Stalin himself. He revised it many times before submitting the final text to public discussion. Thus, Stalin wrote Article 126, which deals with the right of citizens to unite, longer than the others. In total, he personally wrote eleven of the most significant articles of the Basic Law of the USSR.

The draft Constitution of the USSR was published in all newspapers of the country, broadcast on the radio, and published as separate brochures in 100 languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR with a circulation of over 70 million copies. The scope of the national discussion of the project is evidenced by the following data: over 50 million people (55% of the country’s adult population) took part in it; About two million amendments, additions and proposals to the project were made. The latter circumstance indicates that the discussion of the project was not formal.

It was assumed that simultaneously with the Constitution a new electoral law would be adopted, according to which the nomination of candidates to the Supreme Council would immediately begin. Stalin intended to hold elections that same year. Samples of ballot papers have already been approved, and money has been allocated for campaigning and elections.

In his report on November 25, 1936, the leader of the party condemned those who insisted on continuing to “deprive the voting rights of clergy, former White Guards and persons not engaged in generally useful labor, or, in any case, limit the voting rights of persons this category, giving them only the right to vote, but not to be elected." Rejecting this position, Stalin referred to the changes that had occurred with these groups of people. Without abandoning the thesis about the intensification of the class struggle as we move towards socialism, Stalin at the same time proceeded from the fact that in a renewed Soviet society, the degree of influence of hostile forces on the consciousness of Soviet people cannot be significant.

He stated: “Firstly, not all former kulaks, White Guards or priests are hostile to Soviet power. Secondly, if the people here and there elect hostile people, this will mean that our propaganda work has been carried out very poorly and we They fully deserved that shame." Thus, Stalin proclaimed a turn in political life from prohibitions to the removal of social and political restrictions.

Stalin's new initiatives in the political organization of Soviet society were being implemented. And even though he later failed to achieve elections with several candidates, the sample ballot did not change until the end of Soviet power. Therefore, when elections were held in 1989 with multiple candidates, the form of the ballot approved by Stalin and other members of the Politburo in 1937 did not have to be changed.

The fight against opponents of the new Constitution

The adoption of the USSR Constitution by the Extraordinary VIII All-Union Congress of Soviets was greeted with enthusiasm by the overwhelming majority of Soviet people. December 5, the day of adoption of the Stalin Constitution, was declared a holiday.

However, many leaders of the party resisted the adoption of the new Constitution. Of course, there were no open speeches by party officials, but the closer the deadline for the adoption of the new Constitution approached, the more signs of latent resistance appeared on the part of the broad party leadership. In particular, it avoided in every possible way discussing the provisions of the fundamental law in the open press and at plenums of the Central Committee and thereby generally distanced itself from the “new course.”

Perhaps Stalin underestimated the bureaucratic leadership of the party and its ability to resist. And he was punished for it. The partyocracy made a strong move: the Constitution was approved on December 5, 1936, and the adoption of the electoral law was postponed for a year. Thus, the elections to the Supreme Council were automatically postponed for a year.

June 1937. Finally, the Plenum of the Central Committee, without amendments, approves a new electoral law with alternative candidates. The day before the closing of the Plenum, Robert Eikhe, secretary of the West Siberian Regional Committee, a fiery Latvian revolutionary, who several years earlier during grain procurements had brought down terrible repressions on the village, submitted a note to the Politburo saying that the NKVD was not working well in the region.

“The security officers uncovered the anti-Soviet rebel kulak organization, but did not completely crush it, arresting only the top. And on the eve of the elections, which are scheduled for December, it is necessary to deal with the entire anti-Soviet organization, arrest and convict everyone,” Eikhe says in the note. To speed up the process, he asks to be allowed to organize a troika, which has already been tested against the peasants. He will be at its head together with the prosecutor and the head of the regional NKVD.

There is reason to believe that Eiche acted not only on his own behalf, but expressed the demands of a significant group of first secretaries. It is difficult to reject the assumption that this initiative was a “trial balloon”, a way to test the strength and determination of the “narrow leadership”.

In this regard, this fact deserves attention. Regional secretaries usually visited Stalin's office quite rarely. And here, judging by the log of visits, one day five first secretaries visited Stalin in succession, the next day four more.

Of course, no one will know what was discussed during these meetings - all the visitors soon died. However, they supported Eiche's initiative, turning it into an ultimatum: either Stalin accepts their proposal, or the Plenum will consider his resignation as a “draft dodger.” At this time, Stalin did not have a majority in the Central Committee, and he was forced to accept an ultimatum.

Eikhe, by decision of the Politburo, received permission to create a troika. Other secretaries were subsequently granted similar rights. Within a month, everyone sent telegrams where they asked for the right to create troikas and immediately indicated how many people were going to be deported and how many were going to be shot. The first to send them were six of the nine secretaries who attended Stalin’s reception.

Perhaps Stalin was influenced by a conspiracy in which senior military leaders participated, revealed on the eve of the Plenum, or by something else. But this something had to be very serious. Thus, if before the Plenum he rarely authorized the arrests of repentant oppositionists, then after it, on telegrams with similar requests from secretaries, he invariably wrote: “I agree.”

What was the 1936 Constitution for the people?

The new Constitution reflected the realities of “victorious socialism”, the country of “workers and peasants”. For the first time in Soviet times, all citizens were recognized as equal and could participate in general, direct, equal elections by secret ballot. The new law guaranteed respect for the freedoms and rights of citizens, adding to them the right to work and rest, inviolability of personality and home.

The most important provision of the Constitution was that it proclaimed socialist property (state and cooperative-collective farm) as the basis of the economy and allowed “small private farming” with a ban on the exploitation of other people’s labor.

The significance of the Stalin Constitution was that it was the first Constitution of a truly socialist state in our domestic and world history.

It was only in the Stalin Constitution that for the first time those formulations of socio-economic guarantees were heard, which we have always perceived as absolutely fused with the socialist way of life: citizens of the USSR have the right to work, to rest, to material security in old age and in case of loss of ability to work - to free education for all types, including higher education, for free medical care. In this form it existed until 1977, after which the definition of the Communist Party as “the main driving and determining force of society” was enshrined in the “Brezhnev Constitution”.